A programme of land reform is supportedby by all Zimbabweans - except Mugabe
7 December 1997
Zimbabwe is in the midst of a big economic crisis at the moment. Three weeks ago the Zimbabwe Dollar lost 20% of its value in a single day - a direct result of the pensions awarded to former freedom fighters. The total cost is roughly equivalent to the whole of the annual amount raised from personal income tax.
A week ago the economy was dealt two further blows. First, the government announced big increases in taxes to pay the ex-freedom fighters their $50,000 lump sum and $2,000 per month.
The second blow was the publication of a list of about 1500 farms, which are to be taken over by the government (without full compensation) and given to landless people. This will probably result in fertile land being handed over to either subsistence peasants or to government and party officials and their relatives. Either way, the land will be farmed less productively and the economy will suffer further. Before long, there won’t be enough to eat and the value of exports will fall substantially, making high tech imports even more expensive. Some observers forecast that about 350,000 farm workers will lose their jobs and be displaced by only 100,000 subsistence farmers.
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Nearly everyone - including many white farmers - agrees with taking the land back, but endemic corruption will ensure that people like Themba's mother won't be resettled on good land. It should most sensibly go to the many unemployed graduates from the agricultural colleges, but they won’t be considered either. We're pleased Britain won't assist this misbegotten plan. |
The land problem is a difficult one. During the colonial era local people were forcibly moved off prime farmland to ‘communal areas’ so that large commercially viable farms could be established. These farms feed the nation and are a major source of foreign currency from tobacco, coffee, tea and, the latest money earner, horticulture. Safari tourism and mining are just behind.
Greatly improved health care has made a dramatic impact on infant mortality and at 3.5% Zimbabwe has one of the highest population growth rates in the world. Although the few towns and cities are being swelled by rural people seeking the good life, there are still many back in the communal areas who have no hope of feeding their now-huge dependent families from their one or two hectares of overworked land.
They see the productive estates and want to move onto them. In some areas they have invaded farms and had to be persuaded to leave by politicians making promises they will be unable to keep. Even if only some of the big farms are broken up into mini-plots, without trained farmers to keep them going the future looks bleak.
22 October 1998
The recent international conference on land reform has reached a sensible agreement and offers a ray of hope for the future. After a lot of talk of resisting foreign interference, the government has agreed to launch a transparent, fair and cost effective programme, within the rule of law and part of a wider policy of reducing poverty. The programme will be financed by the international community, and will start with a two-year trial of reform models on the 841 farms available for immediate redistribution. If these prove successful the programme will be completed within a five to ten year period.
Unfortunately, a similar programme to launch a major industrialisation of the economy has not been discussed, so the job prospects of the 240,000 educated youth who come onto the job market each year remain bleak.
21 January 1999
The government is quietly backing off from the land issue. There has been no follow up on the 1500 farms designated for acquisition over a year ago. One hundred and twenty white farm owners offered their land on payment of adequate compensation, but nothing has been done, despite the offer of international financial assistance. Plantations - tea, citrus fruit, coffee, sugar, and timber - have since been declared exempt, provided further expansion is carried out in partnership with indigenous people. This is a more sensible approach, but belligerent elements such as the war veterans and the Affirmative Action Group could yet cause trouble.
The government will not say how the land is to be allocated - only from whom it will be taken (those with more than one farm, underutilised farms, those owned by absentee landlords, those near communal lands). A reasonable explanation of government behaviour is that there has never been any intention of giving good farmland to peasants who would ruin it, and the economy, in very short order.
7 March 2000
The proposed new constitution, with clauses to authorise the seizure of farms without compensation, has been rejected. Immediately afterwards Mugabe accepted the result in a graceful speech, in stark contrast to the incoherent ‘explanations’ of his praise singers. He was commended for his humble response. However, a few days later, ZANU PF began orchestrating farm invasions by so-called war veterans. It was described as a ‘spontaneous uprising by the landless masses’ against those who voted ‘No’.
Mugabe now intends to get parliament to rush through a change to the current constitution allowing him to take back land without compensation ‘for the soil’. As they say, a week is a long time in politics. He says the state will only pay for development on the land. To us, that seems to make little practical difference, as land is almost worthless without boreholes, dams, farm buildings and so on. Even so, it’s another empty promise. He has already said the government is broke and will only issue IOUs - government bonds - to be redeemed at some unspecified date in the future.
There's no need for any of this as the international community has agreed to foot the bill. But parliamentrary elections are due soon, and Mugabe's popularity is at such a low ebb that he needs a rallying point.